New Order's Men of a Silent Revolution

vs. Activism, Terrorist or Clandestine Actions and Agitators or Politicos

(from "Men Among the Ruins")




[…] As for a certain activism, I have often urged against furnishing arms to the adversary in that way, since no serious person thinks that there is any basis in Italy, given the international situation, for a real revolution or an antidemocratic coup d'état. I have not only written this in a letter that the Questura has confiscated (but which it has taken care not to produce), but also elsewhere: for instance, in an article for II Nazionale entitled "Trarre partito dall'ostacolo" [Taking Advantage of the Obstacle]. There I said that the increased severity in antifascist repression intended by the new drafting of Scelba's law ought to encourage the salutary renunciation of external and fairly anachronistic forms of expression and activism, in favor of concentration on a serious doctrinal preparation.


In general—since there has been talk of being an "ideological accessory"—in none of my writings has there been any incitement, even indirect or involuntary, to terrorist or clandestine actions. The Questura's statement has tried to establish an absurd relationship between the constitution of the "Legione nera" and a point in my booklet Orientamenti, where it is said that the tragic character of our times demands a sort of "Legionairism." But I specify exactly what that means: legionairism not as an organization, but as a spirit, an inward attitude. Here are the exact words: "The attitude of him who can choose the hardest life, who is able to continue fighting even when he knows that the battle is materially lost, and who holds to the ancient precept that loyalty is mightier than fire" (Orientamenti, pp. 5-6). The same meaning is expressed further on (p. 22), speaking of the "man standing upright among the ruins." It concerns nothing other than an ethical, heroic, and spiritual attitude. Misunderstandings are not possible, and where they have occurred, I cannot take responsibility for them.


I have never encouraged the formation of parties—I deny the very concept of the party—or of subversive movements. This is how I indicate what is to be done (p. 6): "A silent revolution, proceeding in the depths, where the premises are created, first inwardly and in the individual, of that Order which, when the time is ripe, will also manifest externally, supplanting like lightning the forms and forces of a world of decadence and corruption." Permit me to cite two other passages. On page 5: "To get up again, to arise inwardly, to give oneself a form, to create an order and a direction within oneself," instead of "furthering the demagogy and materialism of the masses," taking a position—I say just that—"against those who can think only in terms of programs, organizational and partisan problems." On pp. 6-7: "In the face of a slovenly world, whose principles are 'Who'll make you do that?' or 'First the belly, then morality,' or again 'These aren't times that allow one the luxury to demonstrate character,' or finally 'I've got a family'—one can retort: 'We cannot be otherwise than we are: this is our life, this is our being.' Whatever of positive value that can be achieved today or tomorrow will not be thanks to the abilities of agitators or politicos, but through the natural prestige and recognition of men who are equal to it, and thereby become the guarantors for their ideas." After exhorting them to maintain this level of high ethical tension despite this whole ruined world, I am said to be—in the exact words of the Questura—a "malefic and shady character," instigator of fanatical youth!




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